Albert Mathiez was born to an innkeeper’s family at La Bruyère in eastern France on Jan. 10, He graduated from the École Normale in After teaching. Albert Mathiez, an Historian at War. James Friguglietti. The present great war will not only change the face of the world in which we live. It will also transform our. Albert Mathiez, his pupil in method, and for the last twenty years the antagonist of his point of view, was struck down by apoplexy in the middle of a lecture on
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A lesson in civismeit teaches us patriotism in the literal sense of the term, as a virtue according to Rousseau and Robespierre. The French Revolution and socialism were in the air.
Home People History Historians, European: And having palliated the faults and crimes of the guilty he demonstrated a sometimes excessive severity towards those who meted out justice. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. However, by he was attacked by Stalinist historians who condemned Mathiez and also “Jacobinism” as adversaries of the proletarian revolution. And not just Russian and French society but of society in general. In Danton he covered matjiez subject’s entire career.
An act albery faith, it still inspires enthusiasm and strengthens liberating convictions. Over and above such heady speculations, then, the historical analogy he offers in his article may be scrutinized to see if it is apt.
Jaurès, Mathiez, and the History of the Revolution by Albert Soboul
Aulard had rendered eminent services to Revolutionary historiography, having discerned that the historians of the French Revolution should submit themselves to the same discipline as other historians, should compel themselves to carry out patient research in archives, to discover, critique, and publish texts as the chartists had been doing for some time with the history of the Middle Ages.
And in his eyes this history was dominated by the evolution of ideas. He continued this narrative in a much more detailed manner in The Thermidorian Reaction and The Directorate People began to seek the ideological origins of socialism in the eighteenth century, to seek out the first attempts at their realization mathieez the course of the Revolution.
Aulard and his school.
Aulard viewed the Revolution from above, as if kathiez popular masses had no other interests, no other needs, no other passions than those of the bourgeoisie.
In Revolutionary historiography this is the great movement that marks its novelty. Three years after presenting his thesis Mathiez broke with Aulard, beginning a feud that continued for the rest of his life.
As for Georges Lefebvre, he was especially sensitive, as he wrote into the deepening of the economic and social analysis.
These concerns imposed themselves with all the more force because socialism, in the form given it by Marx, rests on a concept whose vigor exercised a strong intellectual attraction, by which abert mean, in the ideological field of the period, historical materialism or, more broadly, the economic interpretation of history.
A response to Harrison Fluss. The history of the French Revolution could not escape mathoez law. Whether the feud was caused by personal pique, psychological conflict, or scholarly ambition, it took public form as a dispute over the characters and historical roles of Georges Jacques Danton and Maximilien de Robespierre.
The French historian Albert Mathiez was one of the major 20th-century historians of the French Revolution. The best of his spirit lives in me, even when I contradict him. From the period of the Restoration, historians of the liberal school, even if they were hardly interested in the economic origins of the social movement, had strongly emphasized one of the essential characteristics of our national history: The thesis, on Revolutionary religious cultsmarked him as a historian of independent mind.
He likened Robespierre to the Bolshevik dictator Vladimir Lenin, describing them as dictators who used the same goals to achieve similar objectives. To pose these questions demonstrates the continued fecundity of the work that suggested them.
A work of science, it teaches us the demands of erudition, the imperatives of method, the need for critical reflection. For almost two centuries, each generation in its turn, through its hopes and dreams, studied the Revolution, matrix of our history, either to exalt it or reject it. Mathiez’s dispute with Aulard, his brusque manner toward those who were not his friends, his criticism of the government during World War Iand his defense of bolshevism left him few supporters in the Parisian academic world.
After graduation, he passed the aggregation in history, and after doing his military service, entered the teaching profession. This deepening of the social interpretation of the Revolution has progressed to the rhythm of history itself.
One of the consequences of this evolution was unquestionably the accentuating of class oppositions and their growing magnitude and clarity. Earlier a pacifist, Mathiez developed into a nationalistic Jacobin after the World War erupted in Aulard belonged to that generation which from had fought, through the Republic, to found a parliamentary and secular democracy.
Albert Mathiez |
This same approach has been applied by several of his students to the study of the popular urban masses. It is this triple heritage that we mathlez to sustain and promote. Mathiez argued that these cults were profoundly related to the Revolutionaries’ views of the role of religion in society.
In his Introduction to the French Revolutionwritten inafter having posited the principle that property influences institutions, Barnave states that mthiez institutions created by the landed aristocracy impeded and slowed the arrival of a new mahiez. An influence, to be sure, but limited. It is significant that it was during the First World War that Mathiez understood the economic necessities for conducting a great national war and the requirement of a controlled economy; he then wrote the studies that formed, inThe High Cost of Living and the Social Movement during the Terror.